GALERIE ART PREMIER AFRICAIN GALERIE ART PRIMITIF AFRICAIN AFRICAN ART GALLERY

Baroness Karen Blixen

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Mention dans la description d’une œuvre d’art suivie d'un nom d'artiste, elle garantit que l'œuvre ou l'objet a été exécuté pendant la période de production de l'artiste mentionné et que des présomptions sérieuses désignent celui-ci comme l'auteur vraisemblable.

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Mention dans la description d’une œuvre d’art suivie d'un nom d'artiste, elle garantit que l'œuvre a été exécutée dans l'atelier du maître cité ou sous sa direction.

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Enchères et émotions
AuteurRolande Bonnain-Dulon du même auteur

École des hautes études en sciences sociales
EHESS
Centre de recherches historiques
54, bd Raspail
75006 Paris

Au-delà de leur public bien sûr, les ventes aux enchères passionnent les sociologues et les ethnologues et ce, à juste titre [Matras-Guin, 1987 ; Quémin, 1993 ; Rémy 1990]. Grâce à eux, on a compris pourquoi cette pratique sociale qui mêle l’économique au symbolique, le rationnel aux émotions, l’individuel à une certaine forme de collectif attire tant de gens qui vont là comme au spectacle, par curiosité, sans avoir toujours l’intention de participer aux enchères. Ces chercheurs nous ont également montré le rôle que ces lieux ont joué sur la constitution des communautés diffuses et temporaires, la mise en place de rituels profanes, le vécu de la concurrence, le rapport aux objets, le métier de commissaire-priseur.
2 Avec cet article, nous visons à montrer la forte incidence du lieu et les effets de sa représentation sur l’existence, les pratiques et les particularités d’un certain monde[1] [1] On utilise ici le terme « monde » dans le sens que lui...
suite, celui des collectionneurs d’arts premiers[2] [2] L’expression « arts premiers » désigne ici, sans...
suite dont les objets acquièrent lentement le statut d’art classé, en particulier en ces temps où le Louvre les accueille.
3 Aujourd’hui, les anciennes puissances coloniales ne se livrant plus à des guerres de conquête, une pièce classée dans les arts premiers n’a guère

Dan

In the also known under the name of Yacub, living in western Côte d'Ivoire and Liberia, in a wooded area south and covered by savannah in the north. At 350000 they live on cocoa cultivation of rice and cassava. Before that secret societies do not unite around the beginning of the century, Dan lived in autonomous villages, headed by a chief elected for its wealth and social position.

Nowadays society Leopard plays a major role in the lives of Dan: Candidates for initiation must pass a period of isolation in the forest three to four months. The dances are known for their festivals which were originally village ceremonies but who today are rather aimed at tourists during these holidays appear dancers often perched on stilts.

Masks:

Dan masks are characterized by a concave face, pointed chin a protruding mouth, high forehead and are often covered with a rich brown patina, masks of similar types exist throughout the country Dan, but some stylistic variations, can be observed. For example: the masks of the north dan often have delicate features, a high forehead smooth eye in the middle of the face and a very smooth patina obtained by immersing the mask in a mud bath. The masks of southern Dan Rather, protruding features and a grainy patina achieved by application of plant pigments.

Different types of masks exist and Dan each have a specific function.

Deangle the mask is characterized by a front line separated by a median of almond eyes, sometimes covered with kaolin, is worn

Arts of Africa first Black Arts Spring 1981 No. 77
When we examine the significance of an African mask, we do not seek to know what the "message" it provides, by virtue of some essential notion of disguise and by his presence, but rather what kind of continuum it belongs. The masks are at the confluence of pictorial traditions, oral and functional none appears (under secular unable to recognize the subjects and even less discernible. The understanding of pictorial code used requires not only a review but a review of developed components as needed through the original context. Let us offer an example of the image with respect to the buffalo in the region of Zaire Kwango-Kwilu South West (1).
Synceros caffer, the largest of African cattle is a massive animal, black, cropped hair, measuring 1.50 m at the shoulder and weighing nearly a ton (900 kg.) (Fig. 1). Its heavy horns have a spacing of one meter, are curved downward and inward and form large lumps to their bases. This animal, originally occupied the central, eastern and southern Africa, frequenting the open plains, open woods and river beds and marshes bordered by reeds. Commonly preview herds of a dozen to a hundred heads, he used to graze and graze the early morning and again at dusk, seeking shade during the hottest hours but sometimes moving at night . Females do not carry a calf for about eleven months.

Considered peaceful, was injured when he can become, for hunters, the most dangerous animal of any big game on the continent (Fig. 2). He is known for his

Marius de Zayas

"Mrs Brown-Potter" by Marius de Zayas. Published in Camera Work, No 29 1910Marius de Zayas Enriquez y Calmet (March 13, 1880-January 10, 1961), was an early 20th century Mexican artist, writer and art gallery owner who was influential in the New York arts circles of the 1910s and 1920s.

 Life
De Zayas was born to wealthy and aristocratic parents in Veracruz, Mexico. His father, Rafael de Zayas (1848–1932) was a noted journalist, novelist, dramatist, poet and lawyer. He established two newspapers in Veracruz, and it was there that his sons Marius and George developed their artistic careers by providing illustrations for the papers.

In 1906 the two brothers began providing caricatures for Mexico City's leading newspaper El Diario, which was founded by American-born journalist Benjamin De Casseres. A year later the de Zayas newspapers took a strong editorial stance against Mexican President Porfirio Diaz, and under threat their family left Mexico and settled in New York.

Shortly after arriving in New York, de Zayas took a position drawing caricatures for the New York Evening World, and he quickly established a reputation for his witty parodies of prominent citizens. Through his connections with other artists in the city he became acquainted with Alfred Stieglitz, and in January 1909 Stieglitz exhibited a group of de Zayas's caricatures at his art gallery, "291". A year later Stieglitz gave de Zayas another exhibit in which he brought his caricatures to a three-dimensional level. On a large wooden platform he created more than 100 free-standing cardboard cutouts of some of New York's most prominent people, seen strolling down Fifth Avenue in front of the Plaza Hotel. The show became such a hit that lines were often stretched far outside the doorway to the

STRENGTH AND MEASUREMENT

The discovery of "primitive art": an art of strength
Shapes and shape functions
Deities and ancestors
The living wood

Force and Measurement

Develop an aesthetic of black Africa is seen as a risky business in many ways. Is it legitimate to isolate these objects, that today we call art, the general framework of their relations and their cultural constraints? Can we submit to a test that has never existed in the minds of their creators? And can we finally see in this art - if we 'take on this term - a uniform phenomenon, despite the wide variety of both regional and local styles we offer this huge continent, following lengthy Historical developments often poorly understood? Finally, remember that this approach excludes large regions, including Africa white, that is to say the Mediterranean area with its ancient history, the eastern and southern Africa whose pastoral peoples have given rise to cultures almost without images, and finally these hunting societies, which, even in our time have not passed the stage of evolution of prehistoric rock paintings which are the main evidence of an artistic production that appears at various points the continent. Similarly, we must exclude from our contribution to the aesthetics of black African art the old feudal societies, including Benin. Our discussion is therefore limited to large areas farmers, the true cradle of

Study on the sacred


Introduction
The sacred: the real paradigm
The flaw in the anthropological research of the sacred
The position of the African researcher
The inconsistency of the true-false paradigm of the irrational
The crucial importance of the event
Ancestor worship: in search of a definition
The premier event: the phenomenon agrarian
Biological Bases
The neurobiological underpinnings
Astronomical Foundations
Conclusion
Bibliography


Introduction


Welcome to this site dedicated to refuting the paradigm of the irrational use explicit about the facts of sacred archaic or traditional societies, and especially African societies.

As a member of these societies, the systematic use of the irrational as ultimate explanation of these facts is offensive and we might seem a lack of rigor in research.

In the approach to ethnology-anthropology there is always explicitly or implicitly begging the question that traditional societies through their culture could not produce something intellectually coherent. This profession of faith explains the systematic irrationality as an explanation of the ultimate sacred facts.

By irrational, what is heard is indeed something wrong, incoherent, that defies logic, in